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By Joel Olson

Olson (political technological know-how, Northern Arizona U.) examines the yankee obsession with race in accordance with its politics. He unearths that regardless of protests by means of whites that the US is a democracy, in truth it's divided into those that benefit from the advantages of complete citizenship and others who don't. Olson works throughout the ancient and political historical past of

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30 The Xip side of white wages was Black subordination. ”31 Black women additionally faced the threat of sexual assault without any expectation of legal or social protection. The wages of whiteness drove a wedge between Black and white workers such that, although they shared a language, dialect, religion, music, food, and (often enough) condition of squalor, they seemed to have almost nothing in common. Du Bois insists that the white workers’ actions cannot be explained away as false consciousness.

You are not Jim Crowed because you are Black; you are Black because you are Jim Crowed. ”)65 If a Black person is one who must ride Jim Crow, the corollary is that a white person is one who need not: It is not that enjoy privilege because you are white; you are white because you enjoy privilege. Du Bois’s deWnition of Black is an implicit critique of not only racial discrimination but race itself. Jim Crow does not just oppress Black people. 66 Races are political categories. They are produced by power; they do not exist prior to it.

What distinguishes race from ethnic groups? The only apparent distinction between the Census Bureau’s deWnition of race (which includes “racial and national-origin groups” that “are sociopolitical constructs and should not be interpreted as being scientiWc or anthropological in nature”) and Hispanic ethnicity (which derives from a person’s “heritage, nationality group, lineage, or country of birth”) is the speciWc country to which a person traces her lineage. ”2 These confusing and inconsistent criteria reXect the tension between the two truisms of American race.

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